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dc.contributor.authorMeriläinen, Jari-Mikko
dc.date.accessioned2024-08-20T08:46:47Z
dc.date.available2024-08-20T08:46:47Z
dc.date.issued2024
dc.identifier.citationMeriläinen, J.-M. (2024). The Role of Gender in Hate Speech Targeting Politicians : Evidence from Finnish Twitter. <i>International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society</i>, <i>Early online</i>. <a href="https://doi.org/10.1007/s10767-024-09476-3" target="_blank">https://doi.org/10.1007/s10767-024-09476-3</a>
dc.identifier.otherCONVID_220790721
dc.identifier.urihttps://jyx.jyu.fi/handle/123456789/96679
dc.description.abstractThis study uses a manually classified tweet sample for examining hate speech targeting the ministers of the government of Finland. We use logistic regressions to investigate the distribution of hate speech by gender, age, party leadership, visibility, and political party, with a special focus on gender. Additionally, we divide minister portfolios into masculine, neutral, and feminine positions and examine whether a minister’s gender affects the likelihood of being targeted. Our results suggest that male and female ministers are equally likely, on average, to be targeted by hate speech. However, this relation is nuanced. First, for male ministers, visibility increases the frequency of hate speech. For female ministers, the result is the opposite. Moreover, the results suggest that women in masculine positions are more likely to face hate speech. In addition, men are targeted by hate speech less when they are holding a masculine minister portfolio. This suggests that gender roles affect hate speech.en
dc.format.mimetypeapplication/pdf
dc.language.isoeng
dc.publisherSpringer
dc.relation.ispartofseriesInternational Journal of Politics, Culture and Society
dc.rightsCC BY 4.0
dc.subject.othercyberbullying
dc.subject.otherE-democracy
dc.subject.otherhate speech
dc.subject.otheronline communication
dc.subject.otherTwitter
dc.titleThe Role of Gender in Hate Speech Targeting Politicians : Evidence from Finnish Twitter
dc.typearticle
dc.identifier.urnURN:NBN:fi:jyu-202408205573
dc.contributor.laitosKauppakorkeakoulufi
dc.contributor.laitosSchool of Business and Economicsen
dc.type.urihttp://purl.org/eprint/type/JournalArticle
dc.type.coarhttp://purl.org/coar/resource_type/c_2df8fbb1
dc.description.reviewstatuspeerReviewed
dc.relation.issn0891-4486
dc.relation.volumeEarly online
dc.type.versionpublishedVersion
dc.rights.copyright© The Author(s) 2024
dc.rights.accesslevelopenAccessfi
dc.relation.grantnumber20200211
dc.subject.ysovihapuhe
dc.subject.ysoverkkodemokratia
dc.subject.ysoTwitter
dc.subject.ysosukupuoliroolit
dc.subject.ysoministerit
dc.subject.ysopoliitikot
dc.subject.ysonettikiusaaminen
dc.subject.ysosukupuoleen perustuva häirintä
dc.format.contentfulltext
jyx.subject.urihttp://www.yso.fi/onto/yso/p24781
jyx.subject.urihttp://www.yso.fi/onto/yso/p24809
jyx.subject.urihttp://www.yso.fi/onto/yso/p24097
jyx.subject.urihttp://www.yso.fi/onto/yso/p928
jyx.subject.urihttp://www.yso.fi/onto/yso/p4343
jyx.subject.urihttp://www.yso.fi/onto/yso/p3182
jyx.subject.urihttp://www.yso.fi/onto/yso/p21214
jyx.subject.urihttp://www.yso.fi/onto/yso/p39942
dc.rights.urlhttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
dc.relation.datasethttps://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/MEHNOJ
dc.relation.doi10.1007/s10767-024-09476-3
dc.relation.funderOP Group Research Foundationen
dc.relation.funderOP Ryhmän Tutkimussäätiö srfi
jyx.fundingprogramFoundationen
jyx.fundingprogramSäätiöfi
jyx.fundinginformationOpen Access funding provided by University of Jyväskylä (JYU). This work was supported by the OP Group Research Foundation (grant numbers 20210195, 20200211) and the Foundation of Economic Education (grant number 200198).
dc.type.okmA1


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